President Xi Jinping recently spoke to chief executive-designate John Lee Ka-chiu in person to congratulate him on his appointment as CE of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. During their meeting, President Xi said that in the past 25 years, the exercise of “one country, two systems” has achieved universally recognized success despite various daunting challenges; and that the central authorities’ commitment to ensuring the full and accurate implementation of “one country, two systems” has never wavered a bit and will not change. President Xi’s latest statement has once again reaffirmed the fact that “one country, two systems” is the most suitable system for Hong Kong.
Some people in Hong Kong are worried that “one country, two systems” could change, based mainly on two factors: Mr Deng Xiaoping’s promise that Hong Kong’s capitalist system would remain unchanged for 50 years; and Article 5 of the Basic Law of the HKSAR, which stipulates, “The socialist system and policies shall not be practised in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, and the previous capitalist system and way of life shall remain unchanged for 50 years.” Those people assume “one country, two systems” might change 50 years after the establishment of the HKSAR on July 1, 1997, purely because of the above two factors. But do they have a point? Not necessarily, if one considers these two angles:
One is that Mr Deng Xiaoping was not talking about absolute time by saying “unchanged for 50 years”, but rather expressing a lasting commitment. For example, he once vowed the “Four Cardinal Principles” would remain unshakable for 100 years. Did he mean the “Four Cardinal Principles” would be allowed to waver after 100 years? Of course not! That is a ridiculous assumption. Therefore “unchanged for 50 years” should be understood as “unchanged for a very long time”.
The other is that Article 5 of the Basic Law only says “shall remain unchanged for 50 years” and does not mention it will be changed afterward. The Communist Party of China reached consensus at its 19th National Congress in October 2017 on a 14-point basic strategy; while the fourth plenary session of the 19th CPC Central Committee concluded that China’s national system and governance system boast 13 outstanding advantages. And the “one country, two systems” principle is featured in both historic documents, proving that “one country, two systems” has long been an integral part of the national governance system that simply cannot be limited to 50 years of effectiveness. People may rest assured it will remain unchanged far beyond 50 years.
Rooted firmly in the “one country” foundation, Hong Kong’s constitutional status is ironclad and brooks no argument; it has been included in the national governance system since its establishment 25 years ago and protected by the constitutional order framed by the country’s Constitution and the Basic Law of the HKSAR, which was promulgated according to the Constitution, from any attempt to disrupt it; no matter how berserk the anti-China forces are, or how wild “Hong Kong independence” advocates become, their attempts to tear Hong Kong away from the Chinese nation will never succeed because there is absolutely no legal ground or moral appeal for such pursuits. That is why the unprecedented and violent riots in 2019 were put down eventually.
Thanks to the advantages and vitality afforded by “one country, two systems”, Hong Kong has not “withered” or become “marginalized” as many Western “prophets” repeatedly foresaw. The city has maintained its status as a center of international finance, shipping and trade, with its gross domestic product more than double that of 25 years ago and an average GDP growth rate higher than many developed economies. Under “one country, two systems”, we have replaced “Britons governing Hong Kong” with “Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong”, with all top offices in the executive, legislative and judicial departments held by permanent Hong Kong residents, while Hong Kong residents’ individual rights and freedoms are fully assured, along with their lifestyle.
“One country, two systems” not only contributes to national unity but also sustains Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability. There is simply no reason to change such an excellent basic system. However, that does not mean we cannot do anything when mistakes are made implementing “one country, two systems”. President Xi Jinping stressed in his speech at the gathering celebrating the 20th anniversary of the HKSAR on July 1, 2017, here in Hong Kong, that the central authorities will “unswervingly implement the policy of ‘one country, two systems’ and make sure that it is fully applied in Hong Kong without being bent or distorted”.
There are definitive rules for the exercise of “one country, two systems” in Hong Kong, and the most important of them are the country’s Constitution and the Basic Law of the HKSAR. The right to emend and interpret those rules rests with the National People’s Congress Standing Committee. If and when the exercise of “one country, two systems” in Hong Kong goes astray, the central authorities are duty-bound by the Constitution to bring it back on the right track. Xia Baolong, director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council, has pointed out that the Legislative Council caused far too many problems in Hong Kong than the public could stomach in the past, precisely because it failed to perform its constitutional duties according to the Basic Law.
Some people see Hong Kong’s revamped electoral system as pulling the SAR farther away from the goal of “universal suffrage for both the CE election and LegCo elections”. That is because they missed three important points: 1) the Basic Law stipulates, “The method for selecting the Chief Executive shall be specified in the light of the actual situation in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress. The ultimate aim is the selection of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures.” And LegCo elections follow the same principle in progressing toward universal suffrage. That means there are preconditions for achieving both the CE and LegCo elections by universal suffrage. 2) The “actual situation” in Hong Kong is that, without ensuring “patriots governing Hong Kong”, it is impossible to prevent separatists from seizing Hong Kong’s governing power through CE and LegCo elections by universal suffrage, with disastrous consequences no doubt. 3) The improved electoral system has not changed in any way the Basic Law regarding the ultimate goal of achieving both the CE and LegCo elections by universal suffrage, meaning the ultimate goal remains unchanged, as is the principle of “in the light of actual situation in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress”.
The author is a Hong Kong member of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and chairman of the Hong Kong New Era Development Thinktank.
The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.